Thursday, October 9, 2008
















LEYTE HISTORICAL LANDMARKS

Ang Pagtatag Muli sa Gobyerno ng Commonwealth

Tatlong araw bago ang A-Day noong Oktubre 23,1944 habang ang mga putok ng baril ay naririnig pa rin sa paligid, ang gobyerno ng commonwealth ay naitatag muli. Sa isang simpleng seremonya na ginanap sa hagdan ng Leyte Provincial Capitol Building, si Heneral MacArthur ay inihayag ang naitatag na Gobyerno ng Pilipinas kasama si Presidente Osmeña. Naggawad ng parangal ang 30 sundalo ng 5th cavalry sa pamumuno ni Lt. John Gregory at binasa ang opisyal na proklemasyon ni Lt. Gen. Richard K. Sutherland. “To the Color” ang ipinatogtog sa mga bugle, at sabay na itinaas ang bandila ng Amerika at Pilipinas sa gilid ng gusali. Si Colonel Kangleon ay ginawaran naman ng Distignuished Service Cross.

Isa sa unang opisyal na gagawin ng Pressidente Osmeña ay ang paghalal kay Colonel Ruperto Kangleon bilang Gobernador ng Leyte, Dr. Arturo B. Rotor, sekretarya ng Presidente, ay inutusan na magsagawa ng imbestigasyon tungkol sa pagtayo ng mga hospital at child centers. Brigadier General Carlos P. Romulo, bilang comisyoner ng Pilipinas sa Estados Unidos ay binigyan ng karagdagang trabaho ng Secretary of Public Instructions, sa paguutos na buksan ng lalong madaling panahon ang mga pampublikong paaralan sa mga liberated areas. Hindi pa natatapos ang 3 linggo nagbukas ang leyte high school.

Ang unang paaralan na nagbukas ulit ay ang Holy Infant Academy Building at linipat sa Casalla Building.

President Sergio Osmeña and his cabinet at Tacloban.

President Sergio Osmeña at ang kanyang mga kabinete sa Tacloban. Sa Kaliwa at kanan: Colonel Mariano Eraña, judge advocate; Ismael Mathay, budget at finance commissioner; Major General Basilio J. Valdez, chief of staff. Philippine Army; President Osmeña; Brigadier General Carlos P. Romulo, resident commissioner at secretary of public instruction: Dr. Arturo B. Rotor, presidential secretary at Colonel Alejandro Melchor, adviser on military affairs.

Impormasyon

Noong Philippine Commonwealth Government noong 1944 sa pamumuno ni Presidente Sergio Osmeña, Sr. Sinimulang itayo ang Kapitolyo noong 1917 sa administrasyon ni Gobernador Salvador K. Demetrio, at natapos noong 1924 sa administrasyon ni Gobernador Honorio Lopez. Ang orihinal na istruktura ay binago pinalaki at pinaganda 40 taon bago manalo kagobernador Si Norberto B. Romualdez Jr. noong 1964.

Makikita dito ang dalawang iskulptura sa pader na inilalarawan ang pagdating ni MacArthur dito sa Leyte noong ika 20 ng Oktubre 1964 kasama si Presidente Diosdado Macapagal habang ang unang misa naman ay naganap noong Marso 31, 1964 ni Ambassador Fernando Lobao de Carvalbo ng Portugal at si Marquis de Aumon ang representante ng Gobyerno ng España.

Mga Pinuno ng Probinsya ng Leyte Pagkatapos ng 1831

Ang unang 80 taon ng pananakop ng mga Espanyol ay taon ng pagdadalamhati at pagdadasal, sanduguan ng mga datu at paglalakbay. Pagkatapos sinundan ng paghahanap ng mga isla na matitirhan. Napakaliit na impormasyon tungkol sa kasaysayan ng Leyte sa pagitan ng 1700 at 1900, noon ang mga katutubo ay binindisyonang maging kristyano.

Sa panahong ito ang dokumento ng gobyerno tungkol sa ating kasaysayan ay talagang kunti lang. Sinasabi na ang Leyte ay ngasimula noong 1622. Ang simpleng istruktura ng gobyerno ng encomenderos ay nagbigay daan sa alcalde mayor, corregidores at tenientes. Nagsimula ang politiko-militar sa Leyte na kasama ang Samar, noong 1735. Naghiwalay lamang ang politika ng dalawang probinsya noong 1768. Noong 19th century ang Leyte ay nasa third class na probinsya sa 28 pueblos.

Ang kapital ng Leyte ay nagbago maraming beses bago ang Tacloban na ngayon ay isang siyudad at ang permanenteng kapital ng Leyte. Wala masyadong dokumento ang probinsya ng mga pinuno bago mag 1831. Pagkatapos ang mga sumusunod ay ipinapakita ang pagbabago ng authoridad political:

Gabriel Lavallino.........................Sept. 2, 1831
Manuel Laya.............................................1839

ALCALDE MAYOR
Victorino Lopez Llanos..............................1842
Pedro Nalleg y Barrutel.............................1844
Venancio M. Pizon.....................................1848
Jose Torre y Busquet ...............................1853

TENIENTE DE GOBERNADOR
Luciano Borromeo.....................................1856
Juan Martinez Polo....................................1856
Evaristo del Valle.......................................1857
Vicente Bouvier.........................................1858
Salvador Elio.............................................1859
Fransisco Herrera Davila...........................1861

ALCALDE DE GOBERNADOR
Juan Muiz y Alvarez...................................1862
Miguel Ruiz Perez......................................1863
Joaquin Dalman.........................................1864

COMADANTE POLITOCO-MILITAR
Domingo Fernandez Imbert.......................1866
Juan Sevaillano.........................................1868
Pablo Galaa..............................................1870
Eugenio Garcia Ruiz.................................1872
Joaquin Jironza.........................................1873
Jose Fernandez Teran..............................1876
Victor Sanz Cantero..................................1882
Alfonso Gonzales Wovellas.......................1885
Jose Quesada...........................................1887
Jose Gil de Avalle......................................1889
Luis Prats Bandrajen.................................1890
Fransisco Fernandez Bernal.....................1893
Teodorico Feijoo.......................................1895
Fernando S. Juarez...................................1897

COMANDANTE
Gabriel Galza............................................1898

GOBERNADOR de CIVIL
Catalino Tarcela.......................................1898
Vicente Lukban........................................1898
Ambrocio Mojica.......................................1898

GOBERNADOR de MILITAR
Arthur Murray...........................................1899 - 1901

GOBERNADOR de CIVIL
Henry Allen..............................................1901 - 1902
Joseph Grant...........................................1902 - 1904
Peter Borseth..........................................1904 - 1906

PILIPINONG GOBERNADOR
Jaime de Veyra........................................1906 - 1907
Vicente Diaz............................................1907- 1908
Francisco Enage.....................................1908 - 1910
Pastor Navarro........................................1910 - 1912
Jose Veloso.............................................1912 - 1916
Julian de Veyra........................................1916 - 1917
Salvador Dementrio.................................1917 - 1919
Eugenio Jaro...........................................1919 - 1922
Salvador Dementrio.................................1922 - 1924
Honorio Lopez.........................................1924 - 1927
Vicente de la Cruz...................................1928 - 1934

GOBERNADOR NG PHILIPPINE COMMONWEALTH
Antonio Marcos.......................................1935 - 1936
Rafael Martinez.......................................1936 - 1940
Bernardo Torres......................................1940 - 1942
Pastor Salazar.........................................1943 - 1944
Ruperto Kangleon...................................1944 - 1945
Salvador Demetrio...................................1945 - 1946

GOBERNADOR NG REPUBLIKA NG PILIPINAS
Mamerto Ribo.........................................1946 - 1949
Catalino Landia......................................1949 - 1950
Mamerto Ribo.........................................1950 - 1951
Bernardo Torres.....................................1952 - 1957
Ildefonso Cinco.......................................1958 - 1963
Norberto Romualdez, Jr..........................1964 –


Friday, September 12, 2008

KUNG KAYO AY ISANG GRUPO NG MGA REBOLUSYUNARYO, ANO ANG INYONG ISUSULONG NA PAGBABAGO SA ATING LIPUNAN SA KASALUKUYAN?



Kung kami ay isang grupo ng rebolusyonaryo, unang-una, bubuo kami ng mga plano laban sa masamang pamamalakad ng administrasyong Arroyo, hindi sa pamamagitan ng dahas kundi sa matalinong pamamaraan at pagkakaisa ng mamamayang Pilipino. Alam na alam naman natin na ang kasalukuyang pamamalakad ni Arroyo ay labis-labis na ang kahirapang dulot lalong-lalo na sa mga mahihirap na wala nang kaginhawaang natatamasa at masyadong mababa ang posibilidad na maiahon pa ang ating kalagayan. Sinasabi niya at halos ipinagpipilitan pa na siya ay nag-aalala siya sa kalagayan ng bansa ngunit wala siyang aksyon na ginagawa, kung baga, puro lang siya salita, kulang naman sa gawa!! Isa pa, wala rin siyang ginagawa upang masupil at matanggal sa puwesto ang mga kurakot na opisyal na walang pakundangan sa pagkamkam ng pera sa kaban ng bayan na dapat sana ay para sa ikabubuti ng mamamayan at ikauunlad ng bansa. Pero hindi imposible na magkaganon ang mga opisyal dahil ganon din naman ang ginagawa ng nakatataas. Kaya ang aming gagawin ay isulong ang karapatan ng mga mamamayan at sugpuin ang korupsyon.





ANG PAGKAMATAY BA NI ANDRES BONIFACIO AY MAKATARUNGAN O KARAPAT-DAPAT? BAKIT NIYO NASABI?

Bonifacio Day

wpe13.jpg (89138 bytes)
Bonifacio Monument by Guillermo Tolentino, 1933
cast in bronze, Kalookan City


Para sa amin, ang pagkamatay ni Andres Bonifacio ay hindi makatarungan dahil lumalabas na siya ay pinagkaisahan sa antas ng edukasyon na meron siya na kung saan hinusgahan siya at hindi siya binigyan ng pagkakataon na patunayan ang kanyang kakayahan na gampanan ang kanyang tungkulin bilang direktor ng interior. Isa pa, bago magsimula ang eleksyon, napagkaisahan na kung ano ang desisyon ng karamihan ay pinal at hindi na mababago. Ang bintang sa kanya na treason at sedition ay walang sapat o matibay na ebidensiya at hindi sapat na magpapatunay na siya ay makasalanan kaya ang ang pagbilanggo at paghatol sa kanya ng kamatayan ay hindi makatarungan. Isa pa, ang tingin sa kanya ni Aguinaldo ay isang potensiyal na panganib sa bagong tatag na asembliya na kung saan maaari silang mag-aklas kung kaya siya ay pinatay. Masasabi bang makatarungan ang kagaguhang ito? Ang pagsakdal sa hindi naman nagkasala? Napaka-unfair naman nito sa panig ni Bonifacio kasi siya ang orihinal na nagtatag ng katipunan.




SANG-AYON BA SI JOSE RIZAL O HINDI SA REBOLUSYON? BAKIT NIYO NAISIP? TAMA BA SIYA?


Si Jose Rizal ay sumuporta sa rebolusyon sa panahon nila pero para sa kanya hindi pa panahon para isagawa ang isang rebolusyon sa kadahilanang hindi pa sapat ang mga armas at hindi pa gaanong preparado o kulang pa sa preparasyon ang panig ng mga magsisipag-aklas. At isa pa, ayaw niya o natatakot siya na marami ang madamay na inosenteng tao dahil sa malaki ang posibilidad na ang rebolusyunaryo ay matalo sa pakikipaglaban at marami ang magbuwis o masayang na buhay. Ang kanyang kaalaman sa kasaysayan ng rebolusyon sa ibang mga bansa ang siyang nagbigay-daan sa kanyang paniniwala na ang rebolusyon ay walang silbi hanggat ang mga rebolusyunaryo na kahit papaano ay may maipangtatapat na armas laban sa mga kaaway. Para sa amin, tama lang ang kanyang pananaw. Siyempre, nakataya dito ang buhay ng karamihan, ng mga inosente, at ang paglaya ng bansa kaya kung mag-aaklas na lang naman, dapat handa at kompleto sa armas, sa mga plano at higit sa lahat, ang pagkakaisa upang masiguro ang panalo.

Thursday, September 4, 2008

Tuesday, August 12, 2008

HOW DID THE FILIPINOS RESISTED THE ONSLOT OF SPANISH COLONIZATION?


The Philippine Revolution Against Spain

1996 is a significant year for Filipinos all over the world. It marks the centennial of the Philippine Revolution, which started in 1896 and officially ended in 1902. The amount of literature generated during and after the Revolution, coupled with the continuing fascination on this period by historians and alike which have produced an infinite number of scholarly works, have validated the widespread perception that this was the most glorious page in the history of the Filipino people. The Philippine Revolution ended more than three centuries of Spanish colonial rule which began when Miguel Lopez de Legazpi founded the settlement of Cebu, the oldest Philippine city, in 1565. The Revolution is also heralded as the first anti-colonial independence movement in Asia. The Filipino proclamation of their independence two years after the outbreak of the Revolution was a momentous event for Filipinos of all persuasion. The Revolution began with the masses through the Katipunan, a secret, revolutionary, mass-based organization, and was later embraced by the middle class. Indeed, the Revolution was one of the few times where there was a convergence in the nationalist movements of the masses and the elite.

The Katipunan

The Katipunan (meaning "Association") planned and initiated the Philippine Revolution. It was founded in Tondo, Manila, by Andres Bonifacio and a few other fellow urban workers on July 7, 1892. Its full Tagalog name is Kataastaasan Kagalang-galang na Katipunan nang manga Anak ng Bayan (Highest and Most Venerated Association of the Sons and Daughters of the Land). From its inception, Katipunan was forged by blood, with all its members enacting the traditional blood compact and signing their names with their own blood. The foremost goal of the Katipunan was political, the separation of the Philippines from Spain. Its members also recognized and performed a civic duty which was mutual assistance and the defense of the poor and the oppressed.

The Katipunan was steered by Bonifacio, who became known as the Supremo (Supreme) of the Katipunan, and he was ably supported by Emilio Jacinto, who emerged as the "Brains of the Katipunan." Philippine historians regard Bonifacio as the "Great Plebeian" because he came from a poor family in Tondo and worked as a warehouse clerk. Despite his poverty, Bonifacio was able to educate himself by reading the works of Rizal and the French revolutionists.

Because of its brotherhood appeal, Katipunan was swift in recruiting members from the peasants and the working class. Philippine historian Reynaldo Ileto points out that the Katipunan belonged to a long tradition of social movements in Philippine history which fortunately have been disparaged and branded by authorities and the elite as "illicit associations" and its members as bandits. Like most of these popular movements, the Katipunan was clothed in millenarianism. In their writings, Bonifacio and Jacinto described the pre-Spanish period as an era of kasaganaan (great abundance) and kaginhawaan (prosperity). The demise of this glorious era was a result of the tyranny of Spanish colonial rule. The Katipunan then envisioned the future as one marked by kalayaan (independence), a state of being where there would once again be liwanag (knowledge) and kasaganaan (prosperity). Kalayaan would mean a return to the pre-Spanish condition of prosperity, bliss, and contentment. But it entailed cutting ties with the colonial mother, Spain, and the birth of a nurturing real mother, Inang Bayan or Motherland, meaning Philippines.

From the start, the Katipunan drew inspiration from Jose Rizal, whose nationalist writings stirred an oppressed nation into action. His two novels, the Noli Me Tangere (Touch Me Not) and the El Filibusterismo (The Subversive), denounced the decadent colonial order presided by the incompetent and abusive colonial officials and the backward and immoral frailocracy. In the 1880s, Jose Rizal and his fellow ilustrados launched the Propaganda Movement in Europe where they vigorously campaigned for the implementation of the much needed reforms in the Philippines. Their failure to force Spain to institute reforms convinced the Katipunan that the call must be for revolution and not reform. In 1892, Bonifacio sought the counsel of Rizal on their planned revolution and the latter cautioned them because of its untimeliness and the people’s unpreparedness.

Events forced Bonifacio and the Katipunan to launched the revolution. On August 23, 1896, the Katipunan was discovered by the Spanish authorities, prompting Bonifacio and the Katipuneros to tear their cedula (identification card), which symbolized their colonial oppression, and to declare in Pugad Lawin the beginning of the Philippine Revolution. The Spanish execution of Rizal on December 30, 1896 further emboldened the religious Filipinos who saw Rizal’s martyrdom as similar to the crucifixion of Jesus Christ, i.e., to redeem his people.



Ethnicity and the Creation of National Identity

Initially, the Revolution appeared to be an entirely Tagalog affair. The first eight provinces to rise in arms were all in the Tagalog region and its adjacent areas: Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, Pampanga, Manila, Laguna, Cavite, and Batangas. Even among these provinces, fighting was minimal except for Cavite, Bulacan, and, of course, Manila. Most of the principal revolutionary leaders were Tagalogs, and their initial appeal of support was directed towards the Katagalugan or the Tagalog people. This was not surprising since prior to the Revolution, Filipinos did not think of themselves as one homogenous race. Identity was instead linked with regional ethnicity. The Spanish policy of divisiveness aimed at effecting colonial rule promoted and encouraged regional isolation and ethnic distinctions. By the nineteenth century the term "Filipino" referred to the Spanish insulares or those born in the Philippines. The Filipinos in general were loathingly called indios and their identity was rooted on their regional origin or ethnic affiliation: Tagalog, Kapampangan, Cebuano, Ilocano, Ilonggo, etc.

In the first two years of the Revolution, battles raged mainly in the Tagalog provinces. Outside the Katagalugan, responses were varied. Pampanga, which was close to Manila, was uninvolved in the Revolution from September 1896 to the end of 1897, perhaps because the conditions which drove the Tagalogs to rise in arms were not totally similar in Pampanga. For instance, friar estates or church monopoly of landholdings which triggered agrarian unrest in Tagalog areas was not pervasive in Pampanga. Besides apathy, there were those, such as some Albayanos of Bicol, who were even apprehensive of rumors of a "Tagalog rebellion" aimed at ousting the Spaniards and exercising Tagalog hegemony over the non-Tagalog ethnic groups. Historian Leonard Andaya claims that what brought the Revolution to the non-Tagalog areas was Aguinaldo’s policy of encouraging his military officials to return to their home province and mobilize local support. For instance, the Revolution came late in Antique, and it was due to General Leandro Fullon, an Antiqueno principalia general of Aguinaldo, who went to his home province to spread the Revolution. Even after the Revolution spread to the rest of Luzon and the Visayas, there were still suspicions as to the real motives of the Tagalogs. For example, the Iloilo elite changed the name of their provisional revolutionary government and called it the Federal State of the Visayas since they did not want to recognize the supremacy of Aguinaldo and the Tagalogs. They preferred instead a federal arrangement composed of the three main island groups - Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao.

These reservations and suspicions by non-Tagalogs were somehow reinforced by the initial writings and proclamations of key Tagalog personalities of the Revolution. Bonifacio wrote a revolutionary piece which he entitled "Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga Tagalog" or "What the Tagalogs Should Know." Aguinaldo, in his memoirs, wrote chapters entitled "The Tagalog Government Begins" and "Long Live the Tagalogs." But in the absence of a general, generic term to collectively refer to the inhabitants of the archipelago, Filipino being a term originally reserved for the Spanish insulares, Tagalog may have appeared to the leaders of the Revolution as a logical substitute because of its indigenous element.

In due time, however, Aguinaldo’s proclamations gradually introduced the idea that all the inhabitants of the Philippines are Filipinos. Tagalog became less used and in its place Filipino was increasingly mentioned. The Revolution likewise assumed a national character. The declaration of Philippine independence was both significant and symbolic in the imagining and forging of a Filipino nation-state. Although there was a gradual acceptance of the term Filipino, nonetheless up until the early American period, Tagalog was still occasionally used. General Macario Sakay, a Tagalog general who continued the war against the Americans even after Emilio Aguinaldo was captured, called his government in 1902 the Tagalog Republic, although its charter noted that Visayas and Mindanao were included in his Republic.

Filipino Women Revolutionaries

Like ethnicity, gender played a significant role during the Revolution. As early as 1892, the Katipunan had a women’s chapter, Katipuneras, which was mostly made up of the wives, mothers, sisters, and daughters of the Katipuneros. While the Katipuneros men held clandestine meetings in the interior or back of a house, the Katipuneras provided the diversionary tactics in the living room for passers-by to see. Some of these Katipuneras were Gregoria de Jesus, Andres Bonifacio’s wife, who became known as the Lakambini or First Lady of the Katipunan; Jose Rizal’s sisters; and Melchora Aquino who was also called Tandang Sora (Old Sora). Tandang Sora became a legend because she was a medicine woman who stitched the wounded and cured the sick. Her home was used by the Katipunan for their clandestine meetings and she served the Revolution by rendering her "medical" expertise to Katipunan members.

There were also numerous Filipinas who distinguished themselves in the battlefield. In 1896, Gregoria Montoya y Patricio, upon the death of her Katipunero husband, led the charge of a thirty men unit while holding a Katipunan flag on one hand and a sharp-bladed bolo (machete) on another hand. She used a white piece of cloth, commonly used during mass, to ward off bullets. Another Filipina revolutionary was Agueda Kahabagan who fought the Spaniards armed with a rifle, brandishing a bolo and dressed in white. Teresa Magbanua, on the other hand, earned the sobriquet "Joan of Arc" of the Visayas for the valor she displayed in many battles.

But Filipino women’s participation during the Revolution was not confined to actual fighting. Rosario Lopez, a scion of the wealthy hacendero Lopez clan of Negros, donated firearms to the revolutionary cause. Similarly, women of Cavite utilized their business connections to form a network of contacts for the Revolution. The Filipino Red Cross, established in 1863, became another venue for women participation in the Revolution. In 1899, the Red Cross, under the leadership of the wife of Emilio Aguinaldo, had thirteen chapters spread out from Ilocos Norte to Batangas. Conventional female activities such as sewing and cooking were utilized outside the homes to serve the needs of Filipino troops.

Struggle Between the Masses and the Elite

Aside from ethnicity and gender, class conflict was central to the Revolution. In the aftermath of the outbreak of the revolution, most of the ilutstrados or the nineteenth century middle class denounced the Katipunan and renewed their loyalty to Spain. Many ilustrados immediately condemned the revolution as an irrational action of uneducated masses. Some, like Rizal, believed that it was an ill-timed and ill-prepared struggle. But many did so out of allegiance to Spain. Later when the Katipunan was winning battles, some ilustrados gradually turned around and embraced the revolution. These ilustrados, though driven by nationalism like the masses, fought to preserve their social status and economic wealth. Their interests and agenda vastly differed from the objectives of the Katipuneros. Other ilustrados preferred to remain fence-sitters until the tide of the Revolution was clear. In a study of the municipal and provincial elite of Luzon during the Revolution, Milagros C. Guerrero concluded that well-to-do Filipinos as well as municipal and provincial officials refused to join the Revolution during 1897 and early 1898. There was even hesitancy even after they did join.

Many history books assert that class conflict was symbolized by the leadership struggle between Bonifacio and Aguinaldo. In contrast to the working class background of Bonifacio, Aguinaldo was an ilustrado and a former gobernadorcillo or town executive in his home province of Cavite. Aguinaldo’s ascendance to prominence as a result of his strategic victories in battles naturally brought him into conflict with Bonifacio over the leadership of the Revolution. In a sense, their bitter struggle reflected the falling out of the masses and the ilustrados during the Revolution.

It started as a result of the intramural between the two factions of the Katipunan in Cavite - the Magdiwang and Magdalo. Their conflict had deteriorated such that each one refused to assist the other in battles. Moreover, in one of the battles in Manila, the Caviteno forces even failed to provide assistance to the revolutionaries of Manila. Bonifacio as Supremo of the Katipunan was invited to Cavite to resolve the factional differences and thus ensure a united front against the Spaniards in the province. Once in Cavite, the ilustrados maneuvered to ease Bonifacio from the leadership. In the Tejeros Convention of March 22, 1897, they voted to supersede the Katipunan with a revolutionary government and an election of the officers of the new government was conducted. Aguinaldo was elected as President while Bonifacio lost in several elections for key posts before he finally won as Director of the Interior. But a Caviteno, Daniel Tirona, immediately questioned his lack of education and qualification for the post, and insisted that he be replaced instead by a Caviteno ilustrado lawyer, Jose del Rosario. Insulted and humiliated, Bonifacio as Supremo of the Revolution declared the election and the formation of the new government void. What followed was a black mark in the history of the Revolution.

Aguinaldo, upon the prodding of his fellow, ilustrados, ordered the arrest and trial of Bonifacio on the grounds of treason. A bogus trial found Bonifacio and his brother, Procopio, guilty, and they were sentenced to death. Aguinaldo gave his approval and the Bonifacio brothers were shot on May 10, 1897, at Mt. Tala, Cavite. In rationalizing the fate of Bonifacio, Aguinaldo and his men claimed Bonifacio was establishing his own government which would have subverted the revolutionary cause. His elimination was necessary to maintain unity under Aguinaldo’s leadership. Ironically, Bonifacio, the father of the Revolution, became a victim to the ambition and self-serving interests the ilustrados as personified by Aguinaldo.


ANO ANG PINAKAMABISANG PARAAN NG PANANAKOP NG MGA KASTILA SA PILIPINAS?

Magiliw na nakipag-ugnayan ang mga Kastila sa ilang mga lokal na datu. Nagdaos pa sila ng tradisyonal na sandugo kung saan pinalalabas ang dugo sa braso, inihahalo sa tubig o alak at iniinom nilang magkasama. Sa ganitong paraan, ang dugo ng kasama niya ay nasa kanyang mga ugat na ginagawa silang "magkapatid sa dugo", isang sagrado at hindi pwedeng ipawalang-bisa na kasunduan. Nakumbinsi pa nila na maging Kristiyano ang mga katutubo. Isang halimbawa nito ay ang kay Magallanes at Humabon ng Cebu kung saan nagawa ni Magallanes na ipalaganap ang Kristiyanismo. Natuto nang igalang ng mga bata ang mga matatanda. Ito ang nag-enganyo sa konbersyon dahil noong panahong iyon ay hindi iginagalang ng mga bata ang matatanda dahil wala na silang magagawang mabuti sa tribu. Ang mga kabataan ang nag-uutos sa mga matanda. Nagpakita ito ng isang mahalagang pangyayari sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas. Nagwagi si Magallanes laban kay Humabon sa pamamagitan ng pagdadala ng bagong kultura na nagpapahalaga sa dignidad ng tao.



OPINYON NG GRUPO SA HINDI PAGSANG-AYON NG SIMBAHANG KATOLIKO SA REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH BILL NI EDCEL LAGMAN


Napagkasunduan ng grupo na dapat sumang-ayon tayo sa two-child policy sa kadahilanang matindi na ang paglobo ng ating populasyon na para sa amin ay ang pinakasanhi ng kahirapan na nararanasan ng bansa sa kasalukuyan. Paano kung patuloy na lumobo ang populasyon natin, makaya pa kayang tugunan ng gobyerno ang pangunahing pangangailangan ng sambayanan? Maswerte na lang 'yong nasa alta sosyedad. Pero paano na lang ang mga mahihirap na tao? Talagang nararanasan na natin ang matinding kahirapan sa kasalukuyan. Kapag patuloy na lumaki ang populasyon, hindi na matutugunan ng suplay ang demand ng bawat miyembro ng pamilya. Lalong tataas ang bilang ng mga walang trabaho at ang mga nagugutom.

Maaaring may punto ang Simbahang Katoliko na hindi dapat matuloy ang two-child policy dahil sa labag ito sa utos ng Diyos na “go to the world and multiply”. Kung iisipin nating mabuti, ang sinabing ito ng Diyos ay para lamang kay Adan at Eba at hindi dapat iugnay sa kasalukuyang sitwasyon dahil noong unang panahon, silang dalawa lamang ang nasa mundo kaya kailangan nilang magparami para maipagpatuloy ang sangkatuhan na mangangalaga at maninirahan sa ibinigay na biyaya sa atin ng Diyos.

Alam niyo ba na ang isa sa mga sekreto ng mauunlad na bansa tulad ng Amerika at Japan ay ang pagkakaroon ng kontrol sa populasyon? Kung talagang gusto nating matamasa ang kaunlaran, nararapat lamang natin solusyunan ang pangunahing sanhi ng kahirapan------mataas na bilang ng populasyon.

Kailangan na balanse lamang ang populasyon ng tao sa sukat ng bansa (Pilipinas).

Kaya para sa amin, ang two-child policy ni Edcel Lagman ang maaaring pinakamabisang solusyon para mabawasan ang bilang ng populasyon at sa matinding hirap na nararanasan ni Juan dela Cruz.

Tuesday, July 29, 2008

MANGYANS

WHY WERE MANGYANS CALLED “MANGYANS”?

MANGUIANES, Mangyanes, Mangyan, Malayan-Negrito people of Mindoro. The first written mention of the word "Manguianes" was in 1577 by Fray Martin de Rada. Nothing more appeared until 1630.
We are told by Augustinian Friar Juan de Medina that the island of Mindoro was accessible through Batangas (as it still is) and that it was very large and very well covered with mountains. It had beautiful rivers and lots of fish and, above all, it had a lot of wax that was mainly gathered by "the ancient inhabitants of the country ... the people called Mangyan (forest people)." Although considered "savages," the friars regarded the Mangyan as "simple, honest, temperate people" who were afraid the Spaniards would capture them in order to have them man their boats. Thus, the wax they gathered was turned over to the "Tagals" who used it to pay their tribute.

The Mangyan were not exclusive to Mindoro but apparently also inhabited the interiors of Romblon and Tablas so that the name was collective and, at the time, referred to other communities. These groups were basically nomadic, did not appear to have any knowledge of agriculture or of money and roamed the forests in batches or by families. The men wore g-strings and the women 30 or 40 yards of rattan ("bejuco") around their hips.

WHERE DO MANGYANS LIVE?

When one says Mangyan, he refers to the eight IP groups found mainly in the mountainous regions of Mindoro Island. These include the Alangan, Bangon, Buhid, Hanunuo, Iraya, Ratagnon, Tadywan, and Tau-buid, who comprise 10 percent of the total population of Oriental Mindoro and Occidental Mindoro.

The Alangan occupy northwest central Mindoro. The Alangan Mangyans are found within the municipalities of Naujan, Baco, San Teodoro, and Victoria in Oriental Mindoro, and in the municipality of Sablayan in Occidental Mindoro. Alangan Mangyan, live in communal houses called balay-lakoy (big house), where three to 20 nuclear families of three or more generations reside.

The Bangon Mangyans are found along the Bongabon river called Binagaw and the surrounding mountains located within the municipalities of Bongabong, Bansud, and Gloria in Oriental Mindoro.

The Taubuhid occupy the central highlands of the island in the Occidental Mindoro. They live in a region where mountains tower 1950 m high. The Taubuid Mangyans are found within the municipalities of Socorro, Pinamalayan and Gloria, but mostly they live in Occidental Mindoro.

The Buhid occupy the south central part of Mindoro. Their territory just about equally straddles the eastern and western provinces comprising the island. The Buhid Mangyans are found within the municipalities of Roxas, Bansud, Bongabong and some parts of Mansalay in Oriental Mindoro, and in the municiplaities of San Jose and Rizal in Occidental Mindoro.

The Hanunoo Mangyan live in a mountainous area about 800 sqkm in the southeastern part of the island, mainly in Oriental Mindoro. Their territory is under the municipal jurisdiction of Mansalay, Bulalacao, and a certain part of San Jose, which is the capital of Occidental Mindoro. Christian lowlanders surround them on the east. To the north lie the Buhid, and to the southwest the Ratagnon.The Hanunoo Mangyans are found within the municipalities of Mansalay, Bulalacao, and some parts of Bongabong in Oriental Mindoro, and in the municipality of San Jose in Occidental Mindoro.

The Tadyawan live in sparse settlements in the northeast part of the island. The Tadyawan Mangyans are found within the municipalities of Naujan, Victoria, Socorro, Pola, Gloria, Pinamalayan, and Bansud.

The Iraya Mangyans are found within the municipalities of Puerto Galera, San Teodoro and Baco in Oriental Mindoro, and mostly they live in Occidental Mindoro, particularly in the municipalities of Abra de Ilog, Paluan, Mamburao and Sta. Cruz. The Iraya occupy the northwestern part of Mindoro, where one of the country's highest peaks, Mount Halcon, is located. Historically, however, the Iraya occupied the coastal region in some distant past, until they were pushed further inland by settlers from other places.

The Ratragon occupy the southernmost tip of the island province, quite close to the coast facing the Sulu Sea. They lie nearest the aquatic route going to Busuanga Island in the northernmost Palawan and the Cuyo islands, two places
where the language spoken is Cayunon, which is also used by the Ratagnon. The Ratagnon are found in the southernmost part of the municipality of Magsaysay in Occidental Mindoro. The language spoken by the Ratagnon is similar to the Cuyunon language, a Visayan language spoken by the inhabitants of Cuyo Island in Northern Palawan.

WHAT’S SO UNIQUE ABOUT MANGYANS?

The Mangyans possess a rich and distinctive cultural and literary heritage. They play the guitar, violin, flute, gong, and Jew’s harp. They have what they call the ambahans, which are written with rhyming ending syllables and recited in poetic language or chant without a musical instrument. Ambahans are inscribed on bamboo trees or on bamboo slats with the use of a pointed knife.

As in any society, one can easily spot a Mangyan from a non-Mangyan through his clothing. One can even tell from what tribe the Mangyan belongs. The Alangan and Tau-Buid use materials from local trees and plants for their clothing. The Alangan tribe wears lingeb skirts from woven rattan, while the men wear g-strings made of bark. The male and female Tau-Buids use bark cloth for clothing and blanket. The standard dress for both sexes is the loincloth. The Hanunuo men wear the ba-ag (loincloth) and shirt while the women wear short indigo-dyed skirts and embroidered blouses. The Buhid women wear black and white skirts called abol and the men wear g-strings. One thing is certain. All the different Mangyan tribes love to wear beaded accessories.

Today, one of the Mangyans’ main sources of livelihood is their handicraft made of forest vines, beads and cotton. They also plant upland rice, corn, beans, bananas, and root crops with reverence for the environment. However, their way of life is threatened by the destruction of forests by illegal loggers. Some Mangyans also work as hired laborers of lowlanders on a seasonal basis.

Some say the Mangyans have tails. This is most derogatory. It is believed that the one who observed this and wrote about it was referring to the g-string, or bahag, worn by the men and wrapped around the waist, with the remainder hanging loosely at the back.

Some say the Mangyans are beggars. Only some villages in one community are known to beg. Mangyans are a proud people. It is considered morally and socially inappropriate for them to beg. They pride themselves on the independence of their community and their self-sufficiency. Mangyans center their lives on the principle of co-existence: They do not live off the environment; they live with it.

A typical Mangyan family lives in a thatched roof hut with bamboo floors. Some Mangyan communities, particularly the Alangan Mangyan, live in communal houses called balay-lakoy (big house), where three to 20 nuclear families of three or more generations reside.

Crime, theft or violence among the Mangyan communities rarely occur. Each tribe has its own customary laws, which serve as a guide for the elders when resolving disputes. Illicit drug and alcohol use have been introduced to Mangyan communities, but are extremely rare. Their traditional diet includes root crops, wild yam, wild fruits, banana, corn, and rice.

DO MANGYANS STILL EXIST IN THE PRESENT ERA? HOW?

The province’s existing ethnic tribal groups, the Mangyans, are gentle and withdrawn people but many of them have managed to integrate into the cultural mainstream, largely in the municipalities of Mansalay, Baco, Puerto Galera, Roxas, and Bongabong. The Mangyan tribe consists of various smaller tribes like the Iraya, Alangan, and Tadwanan. They are skilled weavers and craftsmen, producing intricate tribal finery, including baskets, mats, and other items, both functional and aesthetic.

WHAT ARE THE ACHIEVEMENTS OF THE MANGYANS?

First Mangyan Lawyer

EVEN AS a child, Renato Zosimo Evangelista knew he was different. For one, he dreaded Christmas. Unlike other children who would get excited at the first whiff of the “–ber” breeze, he would get anxious for the coming days ahead.

It gets colder in the mountains during those months. But it was not the cold that bothered him too much; Christmas was the time when his fellow Mangyan would come down from the mountains and ask for money from the lowlanders. As the youngest Mangyan studying in predominantly Tagalog Holy Infant Academy in Calapan, Oriental Mindoro, he was often bullied by his classmates who would tell him: “Bakit ka nandito? Doon ka sa mga kasama mo. Di ka ba mamamasko? Nasaan ang bahag mo? (Why are you here? Go stick to your own kind. Aren’t you going to ask for Christmas charity? Where’s your g-string?)”

Indeed, his life would be defined by people telling him where his place was. But he would defy them all.

He says he was conceived in a church. His mother, a Mangyan adopted by a Roman Catholic missionary when she was eight, had fallen in love with a sacristan mayor from Batangas. It was the early `70s, and intermarriage was frowned upon, much as it is now.

He knew little of his father who left, in shame perhaps, even before he was born. But he carried his father’s name, and years later his father’s brother would ask for his forgiveness, and would tell him that they were proud of him.

And they should be, for Renato Zosimo Evangelista, a Mangyan from Oriental Mindoro, beat the odds to become the first Mangyan lawyer in history. When his uncle said his father’s family was proud of him, Evangelista was already the provincial legal officer in Oriental Mindoro.

The Mangyan are an indigenous people who call the mountains of Oriental and Occidental Mindoro home, and whose history is about 3,000 years old. There are eight major tribes of Mangyan, whose population reaches some 390,000, including those whose names do not appear in the local civil registries. Typically of slight build, some of them still wear g-strings made of bark and cloth even today, including the women, who cover their breasts with pieces of cloth or ulango and rattan nito or yakis. Perennial chewing of betel nut, which leaves the mouth looking as if it were bloody, has also left many Mangyan with teeth that blacken as time passes.

Evangelista, now 34, did not pick up that tribal habit, sparing his teeth the unusual tint brought by the betel nut. His mother, from the Hanunuo tribe, was an activist, a trailblazer who would later become one of the first Mangyan elementary school teachers. In school she would always win in extemporaneous public speaking competitions. Her son describes her as being very vocal and a “fighter.” She used her gifts, he says, to fight for her people’s rights.

THEIRS IS a story of struggle, of fighting tooth and nail for every right that was denied, every parcel of land that was grabbed, every dignity that was trampled upon. Yet at first Evangelista’s young mind could not comprehend the scorn, the utter lack of respect for his people. The jeers — how the lowlanders would sneer at them. How they would be cheated of their products — vegetables, baskets, bags, and hammocks — whenever they sold these in town, how they would be displaced from their land, how friends and family would disappear because the military suspected them of being members of the New People’s Army.

Drivers would not let them sit inside jeepneys, other passengers would cover their nose when they were around, they were not allowed to use the utensils in other people’s houses. Once, he remembers, a boy his age threw a tantrum when the boy’s mother let him borrow the boy’s toys.

He says that in Mindoro, when one does something stupid or shows ignorance about something, people would say, “Ano ka, Mangyan? (What are you, Mangyan?)” or “Mamangyan-mangyan ka (You’re being such a Mangyan).” His people were perceived as dumb, partly because they still clung to many of their old ways and partly because so many of them were bereft of education. In time, however, Evangelista says he learned to ignore the jeers and to listen only to his own dreams. He recalls thinking, “Someday, you will look up to me. Someday I can prove that I can do great things.”

He knew he wanted to be a lawyer even before his mother asked him to study the law. After all, he had been exposed early on to the reality that he had to fight for almost every bit of what was due them. He saw how his mother, as spokesperson and advocate for indigenous peoples’ rights, valiantly tried to protect them from abuse, using her passion and gift of gab. But passion did not win arguments, and it did not guarantee them their rights. The boy Renato realized he had to arm himself with knowledge, and with the same tools lowlanders used to suppress their rights; he knew he had to study the lowlanders’ law.

The Mangyan have their own legal system called kasaba. It is composed of one or two elders from the community who sit as the judge and jury in a “legal” battle. An accuser has his own defender of choice, usually a friend, and so does the accused. The conflicting parties argue until they convince the elders of their guilt or innocence. Once, says Evangelista, he witnessed a tigian, a Mangyan ritual to determine who was telling the truth. An egg was put in a cauldron of boiling water and the contending parties were asked to reach down and get the egg. In the ritual, he who comes out unburned is declared the victor.

But the lowlanders had a different legal system, and Evangelista knew he had to study their laws if he wanted to be taken seriously. So in high school, he endured walking for five hours — three hours to come down the mountain, and two hours from the highway to the Mangyan Education Center in Mansalay — just to attend class. Tuition at the center was free, but parents brought chicken, rice, fruits, and vegetables to augment the school’s food supply. When the school started, it had around a hundred Mangyan. Of that batch, though, only 20 (including Evangelista) eventually graduated from high school.

First Mangyan Priest Ordained

The first ethnic Magyan priest was ordained on April 17 in a ceremony that brought together many faithful. The new priest comes from one of the most ancient and least known indigenous groupings of the country.

Although he had wanted a simple affair, Hanunuo Mangyan Gabayno Calinog Oybad’s entry into the priesthood was welcomed by thousands of Catholic faithful in Bulalacao Cathedral, Oriental Mindoro province.

“This is an event for the whole Catholic church,” said Fr. Ewald Dinter, director of the Mangyan Mission-Oriental Mindoro.

Quoting Pope John Paul II the clergyman explained that a “faith that does not become culture is a faith which has not been fully received, not fully lived.’

The service, held in the local dialect, was presided by Bishop Warlito Cajandig (pic'd here) with the assistance of about a hundred priests, a string tied around their forehead out of respect for local indigenous traditions.

The following day Father Oybad travelled back to his mountain community near the city of Bulalacao where people rejoiced over his ordination.

Asked how he felt now that he was a priest, he said: “I am overwhelmed with the love of God.”

The first Mangyan Tekno Worker

Let us welcome our new worker-trainee, Herbeboy Agustin! He is

one of the Tekno kids from Nangka(Magnot) Mangyan

Community. He’s the number two graduate in high school and the

first to graduate in Vocational Course. We invited him to work

with us this school year so he can serve his fellow

Mangyans before pursuing another vocational course

next year. In same way, he could be of help to his

parents too being the eldest among the seven children.

Herbe said, “ I’d been with Tekno for six year as “Tekno kid” ,

this time it’s different because I am now a “Tekno Worker. This

will be hard for me. I’ll try what I can do.” Pls. pray for Herbe!

Herbeboy, the first Mangyan Tekno Worker

WHAT DO THE MANGYANS OF MINDORO EAT?

A reddish drink was identified as gumamela juice. If that doesn’t make you curious, I don’t know what will.

Listed as one of the drink selections on the menu of the Mangyan Exhibit luncheon at the M Café of the Ayala Museum, the juice is reportedly produced by the Sisters of the Holy Spirit.

Students of the College of the Holy Spirit (once Holy Ghost College) were always made aware of the Mangyans of Mindoro. Our nuns, German and Filipino, made sure we supported their missionary work among these indigenous people. We either gave part of our small allowance or sent our old clothes.

So when the invitation was sent to view a Mangyan exhibit (ongoing until Jan. 23) and taste the food at the Ayala Museum, I remembered my alma mater. And now, I was curious because the nuns never really said much about the Mangyans or their culture. My sparse information never got beyond their unique writing system.

The Mangyan script was there, the syllabic writing system etched with a knife on bamboo. And so were the clothes, skirts made of long strips of dark nito (black fern) wound around a woman’s abdomen up to her thighs, like a series of hoops.

The Mangyan women we met that day, however, wore woven skirts and blouses with cross patterns, the costume of a particular tribe called the Hanunuo.

What struck many of us was how similar Mangyan art was to that of other indigenous peoples in the country. The beadwork, for instance, had almost the same patterns. The basket weaves looked almost the same. We learned of another similarity when someone mentioned the Mangyans’ liking for canned sardines.

The Aetas and the Bagobos of Davao also love sardines. They will gladly exchange their native chicken for them. Aetas and Mangyans advertise their having had a meal of the coveted sardines by using the remaining oily tomato sauce on their hair. Lowlanders find this difficult to understand and deride the cultural communities for the practice.

The inadequate amount or total absence of fish in their diets may explain this fondness for sardines. Canned fish is also portable, has long shelf life and tastes different from what is on their daily menu. It’s a prestigious item because sardines don’t come free.

Owning and eating canned sardines show that someone either had money or had something good enough to barter.

Sardine patties

And so, at the exhibit, it was the first item on our menu—sardine cakes with kaffir aioli. I wondered if the Mangyans with us would appreciate this kind of transformation—pressing sardines into patties, frying them and then flavoring with an unfamiliar kind of lime.

For the others attending the lunch, it was explained that it’s not Mangyan cooking we were to taste. The menu only featured specific ingredients used by Mangyans.

Lolita Delgado Fansler, Mangyan Heritage Center board of trustees’ president, also informed us that the ingredients were also not sourced from Mindoro because the Mangyans didn’t produce enough and, even if they did, the recent floods in the province would make it impossible to bring those to Manila.

The transformation at the Museum Café was done by Sau del Rosario, veteran chef of many restaurants. The sardine cake was treated like crab cake and served with arugula salad and beetroot vinaigrette.

On one side of the plate was the Mangyan letter for M. It could have stood for Mangyan, museum or, and I would have been really flattered, my first name. Our place mats had the Mangyan syllabic script and instructions on how to write our own names.

Poetry

In between courses, we had more information regarding the Mangyan culture. Perhaps the most beautiful was a recitation of an ambahan, a Mangyan poem with a meter of seven syllable lines, by Antoon Postma, the expert on the community’s culture and its indefatigable promoter, researcher and translator. We had a creamy soup of kabatse, their word for patani (lima beans). The kabatse espresso was served with roasted kamote. The main dish was a mix of so many ingredients—poached chicken, upo salad, ube ravioli, kalabasa fritters, pesto sauce. And then a bread stick, black sesame seeds embedded into it. I suppose the chef had so many ingredients to work with and had to use them all. Finding out that black sesame seeds were part of Mangyan ingredients was a surprise and I thought how those seeds were considered exotic by chefs. For dessert, it was banana and kasuy worked into a chocolate mousse in a tart shell and tasting like a banoffi pie.

It might seem odd to many people that we were not served genuine Mangyan cooking. Fansler explained that the Mangyan had basic roasted and boiled food, with salt for flavoring. So she thought that if café diners were made aware of the ingredients that Mangyans used, they might become curious enough to see the exhibit, too. Or the other way around.

MANGYAN PICTURES

Hanunoo-Mangyans playing flute


Ambahan session


Hanunoo-Mangyan girls


Cotton spinning to produce thread for weaving is one of the traditional practices of the Hanunoo-Mangyans.


A Hanunoo-Mangyan woman embroidering a cross-like design called pakudos at the back of their traditional shirt.


A Hanunoo-Mangyan father shows his son how to inscribe the Mangyan script on a bamboo slat.


Basket weaving using indigenous materials like buri and pandan (palm) leaves is a common practice and one of the sources of livelihood among the Hanunoo-Mangyans.


Hanunoo-Mangyan girls playing their traditional guitar


The Hanunoo-Mangyans' age-old custom of weaving is being taught to the younger generations in a culture training held in a Mangyan community recently.


Alangan Mangyans in their traditional attire


Alangan Mangyan girls in their traditional attire


Alangan Mangyan family

Tadyawan Mangyans


Bangon Mangyan

Mangyan Girls