Tuesday, August 12, 2008

HOW DID THE FILIPINOS RESISTED THE ONSLOT OF SPANISH COLONIZATION?


The Philippine Revolution Against Spain

1996 is a significant year for Filipinos all over the world. It marks the centennial of the Philippine Revolution, which started in 1896 and officially ended in 1902. The amount of literature generated during and after the Revolution, coupled with the continuing fascination on this period by historians and alike which have produced an infinite number of scholarly works, have validated the widespread perception that this was the most glorious page in the history of the Filipino people. The Philippine Revolution ended more than three centuries of Spanish colonial rule which began when Miguel Lopez de Legazpi founded the settlement of Cebu, the oldest Philippine city, in 1565. The Revolution is also heralded as the first anti-colonial independence movement in Asia. The Filipino proclamation of their independence two years after the outbreak of the Revolution was a momentous event for Filipinos of all persuasion. The Revolution began with the masses through the Katipunan, a secret, revolutionary, mass-based organization, and was later embraced by the middle class. Indeed, the Revolution was one of the few times where there was a convergence in the nationalist movements of the masses and the elite.

The Katipunan

The Katipunan (meaning "Association") planned and initiated the Philippine Revolution. It was founded in Tondo, Manila, by Andres Bonifacio and a few other fellow urban workers on July 7, 1892. Its full Tagalog name is Kataastaasan Kagalang-galang na Katipunan nang manga Anak ng Bayan (Highest and Most Venerated Association of the Sons and Daughters of the Land). From its inception, Katipunan was forged by blood, with all its members enacting the traditional blood compact and signing their names with their own blood. The foremost goal of the Katipunan was political, the separation of the Philippines from Spain. Its members also recognized and performed a civic duty which was mutual assistance and the defense of the poor and the oppressed.

The Katipunan was steered by Bonifacio, who became known as the Supremo (Supreme) of the Katipunan, and he was ably supported by Emilio Jacinto, who emerged as the "Brains of the Katipunan." Philippine historians regard Bonifacio as the "Great Plebeian" because he came from a poor family in Tondo and worked as a warehouse clerk. Despite his poverty, Bonifacio was able to educate himself by reading the works of Rizal and the French revolutionists.

Because of its brotherhood appeal, Katipunan was swift in recruiting members from the peasants and the working class. Philippine historian Reynaldo Ileto points out that the Katipunan belonged to a long tradition of social movements in Philippine history which fortunately have been disparaged and branded by authorities and the elite as "illicit associations" and its members as bandits. Like most of these popular movements, the Katipunan was clothed in millenarianism. In their writings, Bonifacio and Jacinto described the pre-Spanish period as an era of kasaganaan (great abundance) and kaginhawaan (prosperity). The demise of this glorious era was a result of the tyranny of Spanish colonial rule. The Katipunan then envisioned the future as one marked by kalayaan (independence), a state of being where there would once again be liwanag (knowledge) and kasaganaan (prosperity). Kalayaan would mean a return to the pre-Spanish condition of prosperity, bliss, and contentment. But it entailed cutting ties with the colonial mother, Spain, and the birth of a nurturing real mother, Inang Bayan or Motherland, meaning Philippines.

From the start, the Katipunan drew inspiration from Jose Rizal, whose nationalist writings stirred an oppressed nation into action. His two novels, the Noli Me Tangere (Touch Me Not) and the El Filibusterismo (The Subversive), denounced the decadent colonial order presided by the incompetent and abusive colonial officials and the backward and immoral frailocracy. In the 1880s, Jose Rizal and his fellow ilustrados launched the Propaganda Movement in Europe where they vigorously campaigned for the implementation of the much needed reforms in the Philippines. Their failure to force Spain to institute reforms convinced the Katipunan that the call must be for revolution and not reform. In 1892, Bonifacio sought the counsel of Rizal on their planned revolution and the latter cautioned them because of its untimeliness and the people’s unpreparedness.

Events forced Bonifacio and the Katipunan to launched the revolution. On August 23, 1896, the Katipunan was discovered by the Spanish authorities, prompting Bonifacio and the Katipuneros to tear their cedula (identification card), which symbolized their colonial oppression, and to declare in Pugad Lawin the beginning of the Philippine Revolution. The Spanish execution of Rizal on December 30, 1896 further emboldened the religious Filipinos who saw Rizal’s martyrdom as similar to the crucifixion of Jesus Christ, i.e., to redeem his people.



Ethnicity and the Creation of National Identity

Initially, the Revolution appeared to be an entirely Tagalog affair. The first eight provinces to rise in arms were all in the Tagalog region and its adjacent areas: Bulacan, Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, Pampanga, Manila, Laguna, Cavite, and Batangas. Even among these provinces, fighting was minimal except for Cavite, Bulacan, and, of course, Manila. Most of the principal revolutionary leaders were Tagalogs, and their initial appeal of support was directed towards the Katagalugan or the Tagalog people. This was not surprising since prior to the Revolution, Filipinos did not think of themselves as one homogenous race. Identity was instead linked with regional ethnicity. The Spanish policy of divisiveness aimed at effecting colonial rule promoted and encouraged regional isolation and ethnic distinctions. By the nineteenth century the term "Filipino" referred to the Spanish insulares or those born in the Philippines. The Filipinos in general were loathingly called indios and their identity was rooted on their regional origin or ethnic affiliation: Tagalog, Kapampangan, Cebuano, Ilocano, Ilonggo, etc.

In the first two years of the Revolution, battles raged mainly in the Tagalog provinces. Outside the Katagalugan, responses were varied. Pampanga, which was close to Manila, was uninvolved in the Revolution from September 1896 to the end of 1897, perhaps because the conditions which drove the Tagalogs to rise in arms were not totally similar in Pampanga. For instance, friar estates or church monopoly of landholdings which triggered agrarian unrest in Tagalog areas was not pervasive in Pampanga. Besides apathy, there were those, such as some Albayanos of Bicol, who were even apprehensive of rumors of a "Tagalog rebellion" aimed at ousting the Spaniards and exercising Tagalog hegemony over the non-Tagalog ethnic groups. Historian Leonard Andaya claims that what brought the Revolution to the non-Tagalog areas was Aguinaldo’s policy of encouraging his military officials to return to their home province and mobilize local support. For instance, the Revolution came late in Antique, and it was due to General Leandro Fullon, an Antiqueno principalia general of Aguinaldo, who went to his home province to spread the Revolution. Even after the Revolution spread to the rest of Luzon and the Visayas, there were still suspicions as to the real motives of the Tagalogs. For example, the Iloilo elite changed the name of their provisional revolutionary government and called it the Federal State of the Visayas since they did not want to recognize the supremacy of Aguinaldo and the Tagalogs. They preferred instead a federal arrangement composed of the three main island groups - Luzon, Visayas, and Mindanao.

These reservations and suspicions by non-Tagalogs were somehow reinforced by the initial writings and proclamations of key Tagalog personalities of the Revolution. Bonifacio wrote a revolutionary piece which he entitled "Ang Dapat Mabatid ng mga Tagalog" or "What the Tagalogs Should Know." Aguinaldo, in his memoirs, wrote chapters entitled "The Tagalog Government Begins" and "Long Live the Tagalogs." But in the absence of a general, generic term to collectively refer to the inhabitants of the archipelago, Filipino being a term originally reserved for the Spanish insulares, Tagalog may have appeared to the leaders of the Revolution as a logical substitute because of its indigenous element.

In due time, however, Aguinaldo’s proclamations gradually introduced the idea that all the inhabitants of the Philippines are Filipinos. Tagalog became less used and in its place Filipino was increasingly mentioned. The Revolution likewise assumed a national character. The declaration of Philippine independence was both significant and symbolic in the imagining and forging of a Filipino nation-state. Although there was a gradual acceptance of the term Filipino, nonetheless up until the early American period, Tagalog was still occasionally used. General Macario Sakay, a Tagalog general who continued the war against the Americans even after Emilio Aguinaldo was captured, called his government in 1902 the Tagalog Republic, although its charter noted that Visayas and Mindanao were included in his Republic.

Filipino Women Revolutionaries

Like ethnicity, gender played a significant role during the Revolution. As early as 1892, the Katipunan had a women’s chapter, Katipuneras, which was mostly made up of the wives, mothers, sisters, and daughters of the Katipuneros. While the Katipuneros men held clandestine meetings in the interior or back of a house, the Katipuneras provided the diversionary tactics in the living room for passers-by to see. Some of these Katipuneras were Gregoria de Jesus, Andres Bonifacio’s wife, who became known as the Lakambini or First Lady of the Katipunan; Jose Rizal’s sisters; and Melchora Aquino who was also called Tandang Sora (Old Sora). Tandang Sora became a legend because she was a medicine woman who stitched the wounded and cured the sick. Her home was used by the Katipunan for their clandestine meetings and she served the Revolution by rendering her "medical" expertise to Katipunan members.

There were also numerous Filipinas who distinguished themselves in the battlefield. In 1896, Gregoria Montoya y Patricio, upon the death of her Katipunero husband, led the charge of a thirty men unit while holding a Katipunan flag on one hand and a sharp-bladed bolo (machete) on another hand. She used a white piece of cloth, commonly used during mass, to ward off bullets. Another Filipina revolutionary was Agueda Kahabagan who fought the Spaniards armed with a rifle, brandishing a bolo and dressed in white. Teresa Magbanua, on the other hand, earned the sobriquet "Joan of Arc" of the Visayas for the valor she displayed in many battles.

But Filipino women’s participation during the Revolution was not confined to actual fighting. Rosario Lopez, a scion of the wealthy hacendero Lopez clan of Negros, donated firearms to the revolutionary cause. Similarly, women of Cavite utilized their business connections to form a network of contacts for the Revolution. The Filipino Red Cross, established in 1863, became another venue for women participation in the Revolution. In 1899, the Red Cross, under the leadership of the wife of Emilio Aguinaldo, had thirteen chapters spread out from Ilocos Norte to Batangas. Conventional female activities such as sewing and cooking were utilized outside the homes to serve the needs of Filipino troops.

Struggle Between the Masses and the Elite

Aside from ethnicity and gender, class conflict was central to the Revolution. In the aftermath of the outbreak of the revolution, most of the ilutstrados or the nineteenth century middle class denounced the Katipunan and renewed their loyalty to Spain. Many ilustrados immediately condemned the revolution as an irrational action of uneducated masses. Some, like Rizal, believed that it was an ill-timed and ill-prepared struggle. But many did so out of allegiance to Spain. Later when the Katipunan was winning battles, some ilustrados gradually turned around and embraced the revolution. These ilustrados, though driven by nationalism like the masses, fought to preserve their social status and economic wealth. Their interests and agenda vastly differed from the objectives of the Katipuneros. Other ilustrados preferred to remain fence-sitters until the tide of the Revolution was clear. In a study of the municipal and provincial elite of Luzon during the Revolution, Milagros C. Guerrero concluded that well-to-do Filipinos as well as municipal and provincial officials refused to join the Revolution during 1897 and early 1898. There was even hesitancy even after they did join.

Many history books assert that class conflict was symbolized by the leadership struggle between Bonifacio and Aguinaldo. In contrast to the working class background of Bonifacio, Aguinaldo was an ilustrado and a former gobernadorcillo or town executive in his home province of Cavite. Aguinaldo’s ascendance to prominence as a result of his strategic victories in battles naturally brought him into conflict with Bonifacio over the leadership of the Revolution. In a sense, their bitter struggle reflected the falling out of the masses and the ilustrados during the Revolution.

It started as a result of the intramural between the two factions of the Katipunan in Cavite - the Magdiwang and Magdalo. Their conflict had deteriorated such that each one refused to assist the other in battles. Moreover, in one of the battles in Manila, the Caviteno forces even failed to provide assistance to the revolutionaries of Manila. Bonifacio as Supremo of the Katipunan was invited to Cavite to resolve the factional differences and thus ensure a united front against the Spaniards in the province. Once in Cavite, the ilustrados maneuvered to ease Bonifacio from the leadership. In the Tejeros Convention of March 22, 1897, they voted to supersede the Katipunan with a revolutionary government and an election of the officers of the new government was conducted. Aguinaldo was elected as President while Bonifacio lost in several elections for key posts before he finally won as Director of the Interior. But a Caviteno, Daniel Tirona, immediately questioned his lack of education and qualification for the post, and insisted that he be replaced instead by a Caviteno ilustrado lawyer, Jose del Rosario. Insulted and humiliated, Bonifacio as Supremo of the Revolution declared the election and the formation of the new government void. What followed was a black mark in the history of the Revolution.

Aguinaldo, upon the prodding of his fellow, ilustrados, ordered the arrest and trial of Bonifacio on the grounds of treason. A bogus trial found Bonifacio and his brother, Procopio, guilty, and they were sentenced to death. Aguinaldo gave his approval and the Bonifacio brothers were shot on May 10, 1897, at Mt. Tala, Cavite. In rationalizing the fate of Bonifacio, Aguinaldo and his men claimed Bonifacio was establishing his own government which would have subverted the revolutionary cause. His elimination was necessary to maintain unity under Aguinaldo’s leadership. Ironically, Bonifacio, the father of the Revolution, became a victim to the ambition and self-serving interests the ilustrados as personified by Aguinaldo.


ANO ANG PINAKAMABISANG PARAAN NG PANANAKOP NG MGA KASTILA SA PILIPINAS?

Magiliw na nakipag-ugnayan ang mga Kastila sa ilang mga lokal na datu. Nagdaos pa sila ng tradisyonal na sandugo kung saan pinalalabas ang dugo sa braso, inihahalo sa tubig o alak at iniinom nilang magkasama. Sa ganitong paraan, ang dugo ng kasama niya ay nasa kanyang mga ugat na ginagawa silang "magkapatid sa dugo", isang sagrado at hindi pwedeng ipawalang-bisa na kasunduan. Nakumbinsi pa nila na maging Kristiyano ang mga katutubo. Isang halimbawa nito ay ang kay Magallanes at Humabon ng Cebu kung saan nagawa ni Magallanes na ipalaganap ang Kristiyanismo. Natuto nang igalang ng mga bata ang mga matatanda. Ito ang nag-enganyo sa konbersyon dahil noong panahong iyon ay hindi iginagalang ng mga bata ang matatanda dahil wala na silang magagawang mabuti sa tribu. Ang mga kabataan ang nag-uutos sa mga matanda. Nagpakita ito ng isang mahalagang pangyayari sa kasaysayan ng Pilipinas. Nagwagi si Magallanes laban kay Humabon sa pamamagitan ng pagdadala ng bagong kultura na nagpapahalaga sa dignidad ng tao.



OPINYON NG GRUPO SA HINDI PAGSANG-AYON NG SIMBAHANG KATOLIKO SA REPRODUCTIVE HEALTH BILL NI EDCEL LAGMAN


Napagkasunduan ng grupo na dapat sumang-ayon tayo sa two-child policy sa kadahilanang matindi na ang paglobo ng ating populasyon na para sa amin ay ang pinakasanhi ng kahirapan na nararanasan ng bansa sa kasalukuyan. Paano kung patuloy na lumobo ang populasyon natin, makaya pa kayang tugunan ng gobyerno ang pangunahing pangangailangan ng sambayanan? Maswerte na lang 'yong nasa alta sosyedad. Pero paano na lang ang mga mahihirap na tao? Talagang nararanasan na natin ang matinding kahirapan sa kasalukuyan. Kapag patuloy na lumaki ang populasyon, hindi na matutugunan ng suplay ang demand ng bawat miyembro ng pamilya. Lalong tataas ang bilang ng mga walang trabaho at ang mga nagugutom.

Maaaring may punto ang Simbahang Katoliko na hindi dapat matuloy ang two-child policy dahil sa labag ito sa utos ng Diyos na “go to the world and multiply”. Kung iisipin nating mabuti, ang sinabing ito ng Diyos ay para lamang kay Adan at Eba at hindi dapat iugnay sa kasalukuyang sitwasyon dahil noong unang panahon, silang dalawa lamang ang nasa mundo kaya kailangan nilang magparami para maipagpatuloy ang sangkatuhan na mangangalaga at maninirahan sa ibinigay na biyaya sa atin ng Diyos.

Alam niyo ba na ang isa sa mga sekreto ng mauunlad na bansa tulad ng Amerika at Japan ay ang pagkakaroon ng kontrol sa populasyon? Kung talagang gusto nating matamasa ang kaunlaran, nararapat lamang natin solusyunan ang pangunahing sanhi ng kahirapan------mataas na bilang ng populasyon.

Kailangan na balanse lamang ang populasyon ng tao sa sukat ng bansa (Pilipinas).

Kaya para sa amin, ang two-child policy ni Edcel Lagman ang maaaring pinakamabisang solusyon para mabawasan ang bilang ng populasyon at sa matinding hirap na nararanasan ni Juan dela Cruz.

2 comments:

SupheriA Lee said...

Nakaroon yata ng hindi pagkakaunawaan. Iba ang panukalang batas na two-child sa Reproductive Health Bill. Ang RH Bill ay naglalayong matugunan ang problema sa populasyon sa pamamagitan ng pagkakaroon ng artipisyal na pagpigil sa pagbubuntis katulad ng condoms, pills, IUD at tamang medikal na pag-iwas at pagsugpo ng nakamamatay na abortion procedures na sa kasalukuyan ay hindi naagapan ng mga ospital sapagkat ang mga kababaihan ay pumupunta sa mga "hilot", sanhi upang ito ay kanilang ikamatay.

Nais ko sana na ipaliwanag ninyo s ainyong artikulo kung bakit mahalaga ang papel ng ating SImbahan sa kawalan ng kakayahan ng ating gobyerno na maimplementa o bigyang bisa ang mga panukalang batas.

SupheriA Lee said...

Maganda ang write-up subalit hindi sumunod ang inyong grupo sa alituntunin ng ating blog - na dapat ang wika na inyong gagamitin ay Pilipino at maari lamang kayong humiram ng salita sa English.

Pangalawa, nasaan ang inyong artikulo ukol sa Bangsamoro at ang problema sa Mindanao?

Ang inyong marka para sa blog na ito ay 15/20 o 2.0, dahil sa may kakulangan ang inyong grupo. Pagbutihin pa ang pagtutulungan sa grupo ninyo.